And then, you ask me whether I approve of violence. I mean, that just doesn’t make any sense at all… whether I approve of guns.

I grew up in Birmingham, Alabama!

Some very, very good friends of mine were killed by bombs! Bombs that were planted by racists. I remember from the time - I was very small - I remember the sound of bombs exploding across the street, our house shaking! I remember my father having to have guns at his disposal at all times because of that fact that any moment - someone - we might expect to be attacked.

The man who was in that time, in complete control of the city government, his name was Bill Connor. He would often get on the radio and make statements like - “Niggers have moved into an all white neighborhood, we better expect some bloodshed tonight,” and sure enough there would be blood shed.

After the four girls - one of them lived next door to me - I was very good friends of a sister of another one… My sister was very good friends with all three of them. My mother taught one of them in her class.

In fact, when the bombing occurred, one of the mothers of the young girl called my mother and said - “Can you take me down to the church and pick up Carol? We heard about the bombing and I don’t have my car.”

And they went down and what did they find? They found limbs and heads strewn all over the place.

And then after that, in my neighborhood, all the men organized themselves into an armed patrol. They had to take their guns and patrol our community every night because they did not want that to happen again. ❞ Angela Davis on Violence [x]

(via kenobi-wan-obi)


are you stretched out across history?
                  and part of you still waits in the past
                         part of you is another time zone
do you understand my distrust/struggle with time?

fabian romero- indigenous immigrant queer boi writer 
april 16, 2014

(via poc-creators)

How can we put poor and working-class Black girls at the center of Black feminism? Their lives are not marginal to intersecting power relations of race, class, gender, sexuality, and age. Rather, they are central to the future of Black feminism. Keep in mind that Black girls are over-represented among the poor. They disproportionately attend inferior public schools, have children young, and do not finish high school. They are more likely to grow up to be working class, if not poor. Their gendered lives occur primarily through their relationships with African American men as fathers, friends, brothers, sexual partners, husbands, sons, and grandsons. Any Black feminism worth its salt would not squander its resources on the children of elites. Instead, it would recognize that poor and working-class Black girls who are situated in families and communities are its special ground zero in the early twenty-first century.
On Intellectual Activism: Still Brave? Black Feminism as a Social Justice Project - Patricia Hill Collins 

(via daniellemertina)



Kenyan artisans for Karen Walker SS14

Dope! I need all of these Karen Walker frames.

(via black-culture)

Meaningful action, for revolutionaries, is whatever increases the confidence, the autonomy, the initiative, the participation, the solidarity, the equalitarian tendencies and the self-activity of the masses and whatever assists in their demystification. Sterile and harmful action is whatever reinforces the passivity of the masses, their apathy, their cynicism, their differentiation through hierarchy, their alienation, their reliance on others to do things for them and the degree to which they can therefore be manipulated by others – even by those allegedly acting on their behalf.
Solidarity, As We See It/Don’t See It (via dirtysquatter)

(via anarcho-queer)

Wassily Kandinsky, “Tanzkurven: Zu den Tänzen der Palucca,” Das Kunstblatt, Potsdam, vol. 10, no. 3 (1926)

Wassily Kandinsky, “Tanzkurven: Zu den Tänzen der Palucca,” Das Kunstblatt, Potsdam, vol. 10, no. 3 (1926)

(via unphazedcat)


If Wal-Mart Paid Its Employees a Living Wage, How Much Would Prices Go Up? (2:02)

This video crunches the numbers on how much Walmart, the single biggest beneficiary of the food stamp economy, might have to raise prices across the board to help a typical worker earn a living wage.

This video was created by Slate magazine and Marketplace. It’s part of a series entitled The Secret Life of a Food Stamp.

Bob Mazzer
London Underground in the 1970s/80s, Jumping for joy as the train comes in

Bob Mazzer

London Underground in the 1970s/80sJumping for joy as the train comes in

(via ibethattrillkid)

[The United States is an oligarchy, not a democracy.] …[F]indings provide support for two theories of governance: economic elite domination and biased pluralism. The first is pretty straightforward and states that the ultra-wealthy wield all the power in a given system, though some argue that this system still allows elites in corporations and the government to become powerful as well. Here, power does not necessarily derive from wealth, but those in power almost invariably come from the upper class. Biased pluralism on the other hand argues that the entire system is a mess and interest groups ruled by elites are fighting for dominance of the political process. Also, because of their vast wealth of resources, interest groups of large business tend to dominate a lot of the discourse. America, the findings indicate, tends towards either of these much more than anything close to what we call “democracy.”

In either case, the result is the same: Big corporations, the ultra-wealthy and special interests with a lot of money and power essentially make all of the decisions. Citizens wield little to no political power.

Princeton Concludes What Kind of Government America Really Has, and It’s Not a Democracy 

(via beemill)

Searching for decolonial love and intersectional liberation.

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